



Ganley's campaign emphasized the threat to Ireland's unusually low business tax rates, a major reason why 600 U.S. companies have made their European homes in Ireland rather than France or Germany.
Cowen rued the fact that the government found itself on the defensive because Libertas and other groups opposed to the treaty successfully played on people's fears it would mean a loss of national sovereignty.
Anti-treaty groups from the left and right mobilized "no" voters by claiming the treaty would empower EU chiefs in Brussels, Belgium, to force Ireland to change core policies — including its military neutrality and its ban on abortion as well as low business taxes.
Cowen and opposition leaders insisted that was all nonsense.
But in the towns and villages of Ireland — a country that, since joining the EU 35 years ago, has arguably benefited most from membership because of massive financial aid from wealthy EU partners — people proved receptive to the warnings.
"I like being part of Europe. But I don't want Europe to take away any more of our Irishness," said Dublin taxi driver Ray Kennedy, who like many in the Irish capital complains about the Eastern European job-seekers who have inundated Ireland since the EU's rapid expansion in 2004.
He, like 53.4 percent of voters, rejected the treaty in Thursday's referendum.
Unlike the 2001 treaty rejection, which prevailed on a weak 34.8 percent turnout, this referendum mobilized unprecedented numbers of anti-treaty voters in a 53 percent turnout, high by Irish standards. This increases the difficulty of mounting a second Irish vote, as many EU backers undoubtedly want to do.
Ireland's minister for European affairs, Dick Roche, predicted a second vote would be difficult, if not impossible.
"As far as I'm concerned, this treaty is a dead letter," Roche said, adding that Ireland's voters have "made life very difficult for us going out to Brussels. We are in completely uncharted territory here, a very strange position."
"We need to hear clearly from all our leaders that the Lisbon Treaty cannot be brought back from the dead," said Richard Greene, spokesman for a right-wing Catholic group called Coir, which is Gaelic for "Justice."
Coir plastered Ireland with posters showing three chimpanzees covering their eyes, ears and mouth and the message, "The new EU won't see you, won't hear you, and won't speak for you — vote no."
In capitals across Europe, leaders said ratification should proceed regardless of the Irish vote. Ahead lie painful months of negotiations aimed at somehow overcoming the Irish veto.
"At the European Council, we will want to confer with each other, to hear Prime Minister Cowen's analysis, as well as his ideas on how to address the concerns expressed by those who chose to vote no," EU President Jose Manuel Barroso told reporters in Brussels.
In neighboring Britain, one of eight EU partners yet to ratify the treaty, Foreign Secretary David Miliband said the Irish outcome "needs to be respected and digested" — but should not oblige other countries to postpone their own ratification plans.
"I think it's important that no one tells them what to do next. It's very important the Irish make their own decisions about how to go forward on the basis of a careful analysis of the results," Miliband said.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel agreed that patient diplomacy might eventually turn the Irish "No" to "Yes."
"We would have liked a different outcome, but as good Europeans we now have the task of simply taking the situation as it is and finding a way out, while at the same time respecting the vote of the Irish," she said.
Spain's economy is already reeling from the global credit crunch and the collapse of a housing boom. Economic growth fell to 0.3 percent in the first quarter from 0.8 percent in the last three months of 2007, while inflation hit 4.6 percent in May.
Zapatero has been criticized by media and the conservative opposition for failing to do more to confront the strike and the economic slowdown.
On Monday, tens of thousands of Spanish truck-drivers went on strike to protest high fuel prices and by Tuesday the escalating stoppage began severing the nation’s supply lines to supermarkets, gas stations and even small cafeterias.
In many parts of the country, Spaniards felt the pinch in different ways. Nearly half of the gasoline stations in the northern province of Catalonia were out of fuel as of Tuesday morning, and the regional government sent out an emergency convoy of 20 trucks to replenish their tanks.
Around major cities, traffic continued Tuesday to crawl behind the so-called “snail protests” of slow-moving trucks.
Television news reports showed ships in the Balearic Islands marooned in port for lack of fuel and cargo. In the northern province of Galicia and southern ports of Andalucía, the truckers’ strike, coupled with a fishing strike, left docks and fish stalls barren. Wholesale markets were surrounded by protesters. And shoppers were hoarding staples.
So far the administration of Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero has offered a package of measures to ease the impact of higher fuel prices on small businesses, including lower social security contributions and 55 million euros in subsidies to older truckers who choose to abandon the industry. But Mr. Somoza said the truckers consider these measures insufficient.
They are seeking government regulations guaranteeing a minimum price for their services, above fuel costs.